[THE] CITY OF MAN will never fully reflect the values of the City of God, and in some instances it will actively oppose them. That has been part of Christian teaching since Jesus walked the earth. Those who attempt to usher in the Kingdom of God in this world have often left it in much worse shape than they found it. We should reject utopianism in all its variations and manifestations; it often leads to shattered hopes and shattered lives, to prison camps and gulags.
At the same time, some forms of government express principles that more closely approximate the values of the City of God than do others. . . . Politics matters because political acts have profound human consequences. It makes a huge difference whether people live in freedom or servitude, whether the state is a guardian or an enemy of human dignity.
So the two cities are always in tension, and the challenge is to fight for principles that further human flourishing and human excellence without succumbing to fanciful hopes and utopian dreams.
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In politics, it's important for people of faith to think through first principles, such as what the role and purpose of the state should be in our lives. . . .
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[It's] important to step back and to think through, in a careful way, core principles -- for example, to think about how order, justice, virtue, and prosperity might manifest themselves in the era in which we live. And for Christians, it's important to reflect on what Augustine called a "theology of history," which helps us place ourselves and our political debates within the right context.
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. . . . For me, it's been an ongoing challenge to engage in spirited and intense debates, ones that I care deeply about, without dehumanizing the opposition or becoming uncivil. . . .
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. . . . The idea that people of faith can take a sabbatical from politics to collect their thoughts and lick their wounds is a form of irresponsibility. . . . Especially for the poor and the vulnerable, there is no sabbatical from the failures of politics.
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. . . . Evangelical Christians who share many of the stands of the "religious right" on policy matters don't want to be associated with the tone and approach we saw during its heyday. . . . [They] certainly don't like it when Jerry Falwell declared, with Pat Robertson, that 9/11 was God's judgment on America. That is a theological error, a category error, that we think is signficant and, for many people, alienating. . . .
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. . . . There are obviously important theological differences between Catholicism and evangelical Protestantism. But the Catholic Church has a great deal to teach evangelicals when it comes to how to engage politics and the culture, and to do so in a way that's both effective and faithful.
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. . . . The Tea Party has been a positive and powerful force in American politics. It's evidence of a broader, organic, and powerful uprising against contemporary liberalism. The Tea Party movement is composed of people who want to stop, and then roll back, the Obama agenda. And I think that's all to the good. Skepticism toward government is warranted and legitimate; that's especially the case now.
At the same time, contempt and outright hostility toward government can be unwarranted and counterproductive. We've seen government policies succeed on an array of issues, from crime and welfare to progress on education to the surge in Iraq. It was Burke, who in many ways was the founder of modern conservatism, who said that God instituted government as a means of human improvement. He was also a great advocate of reform, and a great champion of political parties, by the way. The Tea Party would be helped if the spirit of Burke animated it.
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. . . . After Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973, the New York Times editorialized that the abortion debate was now settled. It absolutely was not, in large measure because of the religious right. Given the cultural forces arrayed against pro-life Americans, from the legal system to elite culture, to a broad social ethic of autonomy and convenience -- this is a remarkable achievement. Consider this: In 2009, more than 50 percent of Americans called themselves "pro-life," the first time a majority of adults in America identified themselves as pro-life since Gallup began asking the question 15 years ago.
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[The Left assumes] religion is, in every instance, a negative influence on politics. That's just empirically wrong. And meny of those comprising the Left not only disdain religion in general and Christianity in particular, they also believe religious arguments and motivations are themselves illegitimate. They argue that they ought to have no place in democratic discourse. This view would of course eviscerate some of the most powerful and important arguments that can be made on behalf of human rights and human dignity. Can you imagine the abolition and civil-rights movements, or the Declaration of Independence, stripped of religious influence?
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[The best recipe for getting the mix of religion and politics right], I think, is historical awareness, Biblical and constitutional grounding, reflection, and study, and a willingness to examine and re-examine [read reexamine] our views in light of shifting circumstances. . . . It's important to approach this issue with the recognition that my faith is more important than my politics; doing so helps prevent religion from being used as a means to serve narrow political ends.
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President Bush showed deep human sympathy for those suffering and in need, and he used the power of his office to do something about it. I think history will say about Bush that he liberated millions of people in foreign lands and, through his AIDS and malaria initiatives, saved millions of lives. As president, he respected different religious faiths and understood their power to do good even as he was deeply committed to pluralism and tolerance. . . . And George W. Bush is also a man of grace. When a senior aide left the White House and later wrote a book that was a betrayal, the president pulled aside his key advisers and told them to show grace, not retribution, for this particular person. Not many presidents -- in fact, not many individuals -- would have done such a thing.
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More than any other New Testament figure, [Paul the Apostle] laid out a Christian view of the purpose of government, to restrain evil and promote justice. Rulers are God's servants, St. Paul wrote; civil government itself was established by God. Christ Himself did not lay out a political philosophy per se; it was left to St. Paul, among others, to interpret Christian ideals in the context of the time, which of course was during the reign of the Roman empire. As a Christian you cannot engage the issue of politics and the role of government without dealing with St. Paul's thinking.
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I think [George Bush got a bad rap for naming Jesus as his favorite philosopher]. His answer was much more personal than theological. But Jesus articulated a view of ethics, human nature, and human dignity that left an important, and I think quite positive, imprint on President Bush, to say nothing of the Western political tradition. The words and example of Jesus helped shape President Bush's views in valuable ways. You could do a whole lot worse than Jesus as your favorite philosopher, that's for sure.
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One of the things I've learned from wiser people than myself is that, as Christians, our job is to be faithful, not necessarily to be successful. That ultimately rests with the Lord, who is the author of history and not indifferent to what unfolds. I'll grant you that this isn't always easy to remember; in the intensity of the moment, our vision can become blurred. We can lose our way. And we can hold too tightly to the things of this world. But if we can keep our eyes fixed on the true object of our faith, we can avoid a lot of errors and missteps along the way. And from time to time we can do some real good too.
(Peter Wehner, Interview: "Religion, Politics, and other Unmentionables," nationalreview.com, October 11, 2010)
John F. Kennedy's "ask not" inaugural speech reflects the view that politics is a way of doing God's work here on earth.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessings and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must truly be our own.
By contrast, our current president has expressed the utopianism that Mr. Wehner warns against. "I am confident we can create a Kingdom right here on earth," he told an evangelical audience during the campaign.
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